Almost for the first time I read an article on the India-US 123 Agreement
that not only makes sense, but also has the logic that
can only come from being honest.

Being an ex-IFS Officer, an Ambassador and a Joint Secretary,
I have more faith in his statement than many politicians and armchair pundits
who are hellbent to sell away our country’s sovereign rights to become another of
America’s poodles.

Indo-US Nuclear Deal: A Curtain Raiser -III

Mr. Yogesh Tiwari is a retired IFS officer and has served as the Ambassador to Austria and Singapore besides handling various other important assignments in the MEA GoI.

Late Rajiv Gandhi had the vision to foresee the problem of scarcity of energy in India and under his leadership, the Ministry of External Affairs (I was the Joint Secretary dealing with the USSR) was able to achieve a strategic breakthrough in persuading the then USSR to put up 10 x 1000 Mw Nuclear Power Plants. Nuclear fuel was to be supplied by the USSR.

As we did not wish to have the spent fuel with its con-commitant safeguards and disposal problems, we persuaded the USSR to take it back.
The Soviet export of plant/machinery was on standard soft terms (48% – grant element), but it increased to 52% on my persuasion. Soviet Union also agreed to provide nuclear fuel on concessional terms.

There was no unilateral, bilateral or multilateral condition imposed by the USSR, except that these power plants would be under project specific safeguards and not full-scale safeguards of IAEA, which was entirely un-objectionable.

We have the agreement and the format for unlimited development of nuclear energy in cooperation with Russia. Why go for a deal, specially with the US, that it would come under severe, unreasonable, stringent and totally gratuitous conditions.

We declared a unilateral voluntary moratorium on nuclear explosions, meaning clearly that if our security & circumstances so demanded in future, we could & would undertake Nuclear Tests.

Being bound by the putative agreement with US, we would not be able to do so without violating the entire agreement. Our agreements with Nuclear Supplier Group et al and US would be revoked, even though the IAEA safeguards would continue.

We are not going to get any special treatment from IAEA for safeguards. IAEA has only two kinds of safeguards – one for non-nuclear NPT signatory states and the other for 5 NWS (Nuclear Weapon States – USA, USSR, China, UK, and France).

In fact, when we are a declared Nuclear Weapons Power, for us to sign safeguards akin to those applicable to non-nuclear weapon NPT countries would be politically humiliating and strategically disastrous, canceling in one swoop all our cumulative and hard fought gains over the past forty years in attacking the unjust and discriminatory NPT and our carving out a highly respectable place in the global nuclear community.

It reminded of this news article I had read a while back.
And things logically fall into place.

Russia, India Cement Nuclear Ties

By VLADIMIR ISACHENKOV
The Associated Press, Thursday, January 25, 2007; 10:24 PM

NEW DELHI: Russian President Vladimir Putin offered Thursday to build four nuclear reactors for India and give it broader access to Moscow’s energy riches, as the old Cold War allies sought to reinvigorate their friendship.

Putin, who will be the guest of honor at India’s Republic Day celebrations on Friday during his two-day visit, met Thursday with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, and officials from the two nations signed several deals on energy, scientific and space cooperation. “Although there has been a sea change in the international situation during the last decade, Russia remains indispensable to India’s foreign policy interests,” Singh said afterward.

“We hope the high level of political trust should be converted into economic opportunity. We hope to harmonize the political and economic aspects of our relationship,” Putin said. Singh said energy cooperation was at the center of the new “strategic partnership.“

Russia has been eager to reassert its traditional role as the chief supplier of nuclear technology and know-how to India in the wake of a landmark civilian nuclear cooperation deal between New Delhi and Washington last year that opened the door to U.S. companies’ prospective expansion in India’s nuclear market.

Russia is building two 1,000-megawatt nuclear reactors in the southern town of Kudankulam, and a memorandum of understanding signed Thursday said that the four new reactors would be built, but did not outline a timetable or other specifics.

My comments and opinions have been criticised
by some who claim politics based on ideology is out dated.
But I cannot shrug aside feelings of loyalty, fairness or trust, even in politics.
Where would we stand in the world’s stage if we have lost our loyalty and honesty.

We had signed an 123 Agreement with the US before, for Tarapur.
Arun Shourie tells us how the US treated us.

The US signed that Agreement with us in 1963.
It was to be effective for 30 years, till 1993.

That Agreement provided that the US would give fuel for Tarapur as needed by India.
It provided that the US would have the first right to spent fuel in excess of India’s needs for peaceful nuclear energy. And even for this part, just the first right. If it did not take back the fuel, we would have the right to reprocess it. There were no conditions.

In testimony to the US Congress, US officials have themselves acknowledged that the US is not to this day sure that India violated any term of the 1963 Agreement.
Yet, the US terminated all fuel supplies in 1974, saying that India had violated domestic US laws. Pressed about the laws, the US maintained that India had violated the intent of US domestic laws! For decades, it has consistently refused to either take back spent fuel or let us reprocess it.

All this happened, even when there was no Hyde Act — no India-specific law — to govern that Agreement.

Last three decades, when we had China and Pakistan howling at our doors,
America was on Pakistan’s side, even let China help Pakistan to get their N-fuel.

So why are we selling the sovereign soul of our country?
To buy American uranium to create nuclear energy capacity
of 6 per cent of the total energy demand of India by the year 2035.
Those of us who believe, american uranium will solve all our energy problems,
dream your lovely dreams, to wake up to realise it has turned into an eternal nightmare.

Russia, India Cement Nuclear Ties - continued

In the past, Russia has stood by India, supplying it with reactors and fuel even as it was denied Western technology for its refusal to sign the international Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.

Putin also promised to give India a broader access to Russia’s vast hydrocarbon wealth.

On the sidelines of Putin’s visit, India’s state-owned Oil & Natural Gas Corp. signed a deal with Russia’ state-controlled OAO Rosneft to jointly bid for exploration and refining projects, ONCG said in a statement.

“We will strongly support that, as well as cooperation with other Russian oil companies,” Putin told a Russian-Indian business forum.

India is already a shareholder via the state-run ONGC Videsh Ltd. in the Sakhalin-1 oilfields, which have started production, and Putin said it could be offered a share in the prospective Sakhalin-3 project.

Energy cooperation is vital for India, which has struggled to supply adequate power to its burgeoning economy that has been growing at more than 8 percent in recent years. Despite India’s rapid recent development, power cuts remain frequent across the country.

“This has been a significant visit both for its symbolism and for its substantive content,” said C. Uday Bhaskar of the Institute for Defense and Strategic Analyses, a New Delhi-based think tank. “A resurgent Russia and a more confident India are reiterating their decades-old relationship.”

Our new “American masters” will like that.
Not.

AmericaRussiaIndiaHyde’s Act123 Agreement

Do we have to sign a deal with America,
do we have to buy American uranium to survive, let alone grow?

Not if you believe Mr Abdul Kalam’s speech of 2006.
It was not in his vision of Energy Independance of India by 2030,
it did not even feature as a part of his speech, at the inauguration of
The South Asian Conference on Renewable Energy in New Delhi 18 April 2006.

On the day, Mr Kalam is reported to have said,

“It’s unique, what he has done,” Mr. Kalam said on NDTV’s ‘Walk the Talk’ programme when asked whether the Prime Minister can be complimented for having clinched the deal. (Although) Asked whether he thought scientists opposing the deal were going too far, he evaded a direct response. “Fortunately, in our democratic set-up, scientists can always approach at the highest level.”

let us look back at some passages of his speech from only last year.

“Energy Independence is the lifeline of a nation”

The era of wood is almost nearing its end. The world energy forum has predicted that fossil based oil, coal and gas reserves will last for another less than ten decades. The unpredictable increase in the cost of oil continuously prompted me the study the Energy scene.
Based on the study I have discussed about Energy Independence as part of my Independence Day Address to the nation, on 15 August 2005. There I mentioned that Energy Independence has to be our nation’s first and highest priority.
Our target is to achieve Energy Security by 2020 leading to Energy Independence by 2030 and beyond.
…I would like to present the actions suggested to be taken in the generation of renewable energy for realizing energy independence in India as a case study.

Structure of Energy Sources:

For meeting the development targets of India our power generating capacity as to increase to 400,000 MGW by 2030 from the existing 130,000 Megawatts of power.
This has got to be achieved through three different sources namely hyd-el capacity, nuclear power and non-conventional energy sources primarily through solar energy.
The hyd-el capacity generated through inter-linking of rivers is expected to contribute additional 50,000 megawatts of power.
Large scale solar energy farms of 100’s of megawatts capacity in certain number could contribute around 55,000 MW.
The nuclear power plants should have a target of 50,000 MW of power.

 

The balance has to be generated through the conventional thermal plants through coal and gas and other renewable sources of energy such as Wind power, Biomass, power through municipal waste and solar thermal power.
The strategic goals for Energy Independence by 2030 would call for a shift in the structure of energy sources.
Firstly, fossil fuel imports need to be minimized and secure access to be ensured. Maximum hydro and nuclear power potential should be utilized, apart from the use of coal and gas based thermal power generation.
The most significant aspect, however would be that the power generated through renewable energy technologies has to be increased to 25% against the present 5%.
It would be evident that for true Energy Independence, a major shift in the structure of energy sources from fossil to renewable energy sources is mandated. I have given an energy independence mission to my country.
Also, I would like to share with you my thoughts on how the certain areas of both conventional and non-conventional energy can be structured together to meet our national development needs.

Solar Energy:

…massive applications in the agricultural sector, where farmers need electricity exclusively in the daytime. We also need to embark on a programme in solar energy systems and technologies, for both large, centralized applications as well as small, decentralized requirements concurrently, for applications in both rural and urban areas.
Carbon nano tube (CNT) based solar cells for higher efficiency:
One of the important need for achieving energy independence by 2030 is to increase the power generated through renewable energy sources from the existing 5% to 25%. Particularly, the energy produced through solar energy has to increase substantially.
The low efficiency of conventional photo voltaic cells has restricted the use of solar cells for large application for power generation … it is essential to launch a research mission on Carbon Nano Tube (CNT) based PV cell which has got higher level of promise in efficiency.
… Our scientists have to take up this challenge and come up with the development of a CNT based PV cell with an efficiency of at least 50% within the next three years so that it can go into the commercial production within five years.
In addition, they can also take up the development of organic solar cells, dye-sensitized solar cells and third generation solar cells. There are lots of opportunities for research in fundamental science in this area and I would like to suggest the energy experts participating in this conference to work in a coherent, consorted way with a mission mode programme to achieve faster realization of commercial availability of CNT based PV cell with 50% efficiency.
In addition to this there is a need to create a “Rural household solar mission” which will provide LED based Nano Crystal lighting system through small solar PV Power Plants to the 70 millions households who are presently using kerosene oil for lighting.

Power through Municipal Waste:

In the Power generation Sector of the energy economy, we need to fully use the technologies now available for generating power from municipal waste. Today, two plants are operational in India, each plant generating 6.5 MW of electric power. Studies indicate that as much as 5800 MW of power can be generated by setting up 900 electric power plants spread over in different parts of the country (India) which can be fueled by municipal waste. Municipal waste is generally considered to be a health liability. The electric power generation using municipal waste can help in the creation of clean environment and also add to the incremental power.

Energy in Transportation Sector:

The Transportation sector in India is the fastest growing energy consumer. It now consumes nearly, and is critically important for Indian economy and security. We produce only 25% of our total requirement. In the scene of dependability of fossil material based systems, is becoming uncertain, it is essential energy policy has to evolve new energy avenues. They are the Bio-fuels, hydrogen based fuel, electric powered vehicles.

Use of Biofuel:

India has nearly 60 million hectares of wasteland, of which 30 million hectares can be made available for energy plantations like Jatropha or any other bio-fuel plant. Once grown, the crop has a life of 50 years.
Each hectare will produce about 2 tonnes of bio-fuel per year at about Rs. 20 per litre. Biodiesel is carbon neutral and many valuable by-products such as glycerin, oil cake and herbal products flow from this agro-industry.
Intensive research is needed to burn bio-fuel in internal combustion engines with high efficiency, and this needs to be an urgent R&D programme. India has a potential to produce nearly 60 million tones of bio-fuel annually using 30 millions hectares of land thus making a significant and important contribution to the goal of Energy Independence.
Indian Railways has already taken a significant step of running two passenger locomotives (Thanjavur to Nagore section) and six trains of diesel multiple units (Tiruchirapalli to Lalgudi, Dindigul and Karur sections) with a 5% blend of bio-fuel sourced from its in-house esterification plants.
In addition, they have planted 75 lakh Jatropha saplings in Railway land which is expected to give yields from the current year onwards. This is a pioneering example for many other organizations to follow. Similarly some of the States such as Chattisgarh, Andhrapradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttranchal and Tamilnadu have energy plantations in India.

Nuclear Energy:

The present nuclear power capacity of 14 reactors which is 2720 megawatts is expected to go to 7420 megawatts by 2010 with the completion of nine reactors which are now in progress.
Eventually as per present plan BARC is expecting the capacity to be 24,000 megawatts by 2020. Hence, there is a need to plan right from now to increase this capacity to 50,000 megawatts by 2030.
Nuclear power generation has been given a thrust by the use of uranium based fuel. However to meet the increased needs of nuclear power generation, it is essential to pursue the development of nuclear power using Thorium, reserves of which are higher in the country.
Technology development has to be accelerated for Thorium based reactors since the raw material for Thorium is abundantly available in our country. To maximize the thorium utilization the development of Fast Breeder Reactor has been rightly taken it up.

Conclusion:

The world has already realized that the peace and prosperity of any nation is secure only when the rest of the world is also prosperous and at peace. Similarly, the energy consumption from renewable resources has to be maximized for all nations irrespective of their economic status if the world has to remain a livable habitat for our future generations. Hence, sharing of knowledge of useful technologies without much of a concern for intellectual property rights for the good of the mankind should be the defining spirit for international collaboration in this sector.

It is important to note that he still believes in the benefits of Thorium reactors.

Mr. Kalam said he had met the Prime Minister before “finishing my assignment (as President)” and highlighted the importance of thorium reactors. “I told the Prime Minister that thorium reactors are very important,” he said.

renewable energytechnologyenvironmentnuclear energy

The present Government of India is keen to sign an (123) Agreement
with the United States, for cooperation concerning uses of nuclear energy.

The United States own Federal law, the Section 123 of Atomic Energies Act 1954
prohibits the US government from signing a deal with a non – NNP signatory state.

The US Government, under George W Bush passed the Henry Hyde’s Act to exempt
the government from the mandatory requirements of the Atomic Energy Act 1954.

The original text of the deal, which has only recently (3 August) been disclosed
and the strict terms of the Henry Hyde’s Act has caused concerns
not only amongst politicians but also outside the Parliament,
notably amongst the nuclear scientists.

The much abused “Left” has raised the strongest objection.
The many voices that are raised in favour of this controversial deal.
wants to divert attention from what the “left” are saying about the deal,
to the “Left’s” ideology, or what decisions or steps they have taken in the past.
This is a deliberate attempt to divert focus from the concerns of the text of this deal.
I have not heard any of these voices discuss the history of America’s foreign policies.

They also try to imply that the “left front” only represents the state of West Bengal.
To be clear, the left front holds power in West Bengal and Kerela; they also have
support in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab and Tamil Nadu and Tripura.

This is how the “Left” have expressed their worries ,

This agreement covers political, economic, military, and nuclear cooperation. This alliance entails not just nuclear cooperation but talks of the two countries promoting global democracy, revamping the Indian economy to facilitate large scale investment by the United States, and a strategic military collaboration.

The Left parties have, after carefully assessing the implications of the 123 agreement, demanded that the government should not proceed further to operationalise the agreement. The objections to the deal have been spelt out in detail in the statement issued by the Left parties. The Left is clear that going ahead with the agreement will bind India to the United States in a manner that will seriously impair an independent foreign policy and our strategic autonomy.

Instead what they have asked is

The best course would be for the government not to proceed further with the operationalising of the agreement. Till all the doubts are clarified and the implications of the Hyde Act evaluated, the government should not take the next steps with regard to negotiating the IAEA safeguards, which are to be in perpetuity, and proceed to get the guidelines from the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

This is a fair and reasonable request.
As Dr Subroto Roy has written,

What the Manmohan-Montek Planning Commission needed to do first of all was a thorough cost-benefit analysis of India’s energy requirements but such elementary professionalism has been sorely lacking among our economists for decades.

The answer to our present conundrum must be patience and the fullest transparency. What is the rush?

If it is good or bad for us to buy six or eight new American reactors now, it will remain good or bad to do so a year or two from now after everyone has had a thorough think about everything that is involved.

Only those with any vested interest will be rushing to seal the deal.

And please don’t anyone say computer simulations have replaced nuclear testing.
They are just simulations of ‘abstract’ model of any particular system being tested.
Nothing more. And are only as good as the computer program written for it.
If ever required in future, every nuclear weapon state will have to and will
conduct underground tests to verify and validate important parameters.

I believe this deal if it goes through,
it will have adverse effects only on Indians living in India.
Not the Indians living permanently abroad or has foreign nationality.

For when things go wrong, they have the option to shrug their shoulders
and walk away unlike the people living in India who will be
entrapped in America’s strategic designs in South Asia.

In future, before these voices are raised in favour of the deal,
they should declare

where they reside,
what nationality they hold
if they have any plans to return to live in India
if they aspire to obtain unlimited resident status or the coveted green card.

I am an Indian living in UK for 18 years,
but I have not changed my Indian nationality for a foreign passport.
I have every intention to return back to India when my job here is done.

I do not want to return to a country entangled in US’s designs in South Asia.
I do not care who asks these questions, be they the Left, the Right or the Center,
I want the deal to be put on hold, while those who understands can study the deal.

I will say, if you are arguing for the signing of this deal
but now are an American national or an Indian hoping for a green card,
you may not have the best interests of the common Indian at heart,
this is not your concern, not your problem, not your debate,
so just stay out of it.

AmericaIndiaHyde’s Act123 Agreementfearmongering

An update: 08.09.2007
If you have linked here from mutiny.in
to read my views on 123 Agreement, to get my full perspective
you may need to read a few more, if you have the patience…
@ http://wordpress.com/tag/123-agreement/
…and I have not finished with it yet.

when apparently intelligent and educated communities
makes us believe they are experts on
matters as wide ranging as

Nuclear energy and weapons technology
International Nuclear Non-proliferation policy
United States Federal Law- Atomic Energy Act of 1954
United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006’’.
Every point discussed between the two countries in the last two years.
(123) Agreement for cooperation…concerning peaceful use of Nuclear Energy
America’s foreign policy in the middle east, Iraq war and now war with Iran
America’s dollar hegemony and Iran’s threat to petrodollar

and more qualified than the nuclear scientists and political analysts
in declaring to the nation that there is NOTHING TO FEAR in this Indo-US deal,

India is in deep deep trouble.

India’s “Left” had raised concerns regarding the discrepancies
between the discussions and the final version of the Hyde’s Act and
the lack of clarity or explanation in the final document of the agreement.

These intelligent people, as their main argument in response to the “Left’s” concerns,
convincingly says

How can a requirement between the US President and the US Congress be a part of an international deal between US and India?! The 123 agreement is between the US and India. It does not, and cannot, contain any clauses regarding what the US President needs to do for the US Congress. The 123 agreement has no such requirements.

They publish links to the 123 Agreement, but strangely not to the Hyde’s Act,

Even though the full title of the act states:
‘‘Henry J. Hyde United States- India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006’’
In my reckoning, the Act defines US’s expectations of India’s future “coopoeration”.

Click HERE to read the Hyde’s Act in full

They can also say

It is clear from these nine objections of the CPI(M), that either they’re misinformed about the 123 agreement (a fault of the Congress government) or they’re immune to the sensitivities involved in negotiating an international agreement.
Their scholarly stand of nitpicking over clauses of the 123 agreement, picking words and phrases out of context, and misrepresenting them towards irrational conclusions is just a political gimmick.

Should we then, accept that Hyde’s Law is irrelevant in this Indo-US nuclear agreement?

I can only presume the writers are experts in all matters of international agreements.
I make no such claims, so I will rely on documented statements and opinions
of those who I consider are the real experts and/or directly involved.

Let us look at what someone from US State department has to say.

Burns on Bringing India in from the Cold, and Isolating Iran

The Capital Interview: August 2, 2007

Interviewee: R. Nicholas Burns, Under Secretary of State, U.S. Department of State
Interviewer: Robert McMahon, Deputy Editor

Does the deal address U.S. concerns that India would support efforts to press Iran to abandon its suspected nuclear weapons program?

This is a technical agreement of the type that we’ve done with Japan, Russia, China, and the European Union in the past, so it doesn’t speak to political issues in the text of the agreement.

But apart from that, we have been very actively involved in counseling the Indian government that they should remain with the rest of the international community in arguing to the Iranians that they should not become a nuclear weapons power, number one.

And number two, we hope very much that India will not conclude any long-term oil and gas agreements with Iran.

The Indians, as you know, have voted with us at the International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors against Iran on two occasions.

And so I trust the Indians will maintain this policy of not in any way, shape, or form assisting the Iranian government in its nuclear plans, and in giving the right advice to the Iranian government that we would expect any democratic country to give.

And what the Indian nuclear scientists themselves say?

Why Hyde Act of America denies Indian nuclear sovereignty?

Indian Nuclear Scientists and Experts: Aug. 19, 2007

An in depth analysis of
Henry J. Hyde U.S.-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006
by Indian nuclear scientists and experts.

1) Full co-operation in civilian nuclear energy has been denied to India:

a) U.S. unwillingness to co-operate in the areas of spent-fuel reprocessing and uranium enrichment related to the full nuclear fuel cycle.
b) Denial of the nuclear fuel supply assurances and alternate supply arrangements mutually agreed upon earlier.
c) Limits co-operation in the GNEP programme. India will not be permitted to join as a technology developer but as a recipient state.

 

2) India asked to participate in the international effort on nuclear non-proliferation, with a policy congruent to that of United States.

The Hyde Act envisages (Section-109) India to jointly participate with the U.S. in a programme involving the U.S. National Nuclear Security Administration to further nuclear non-proliferation goals.
This goes much beyond the IAEA norms and has been unilaterally introduced apparently without the knowledge of the Indian government. In addition, the U.S. President is required to annually report to the congress whether India is fully and actively participating in U.S. and international efforts to dissuade, isolate and if necessary sanction and contain Iran for its pursuit of indigenous efforts to develop nuclear capabilities.
These stipulations in the Act and others pertaining to the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), the Wassenaar Arrangement, and the Australia Group etc. are totally outside the scope of the July 18th Agreement and they constitute intrusion into India’s independent decision making and policy matters. India’s adherence to MTCR is also unnecessarily brought in.

 

3) Impact on our Strategic Defense Programme

In responding to the concerns earlier expressed by us, the Prime Minister stated in the Rajya Sabha on August 17, 2006 “we are fully conscious of the changing complexity of the international political system. Nuclear weapons are an integral part of our national security and will remain so, pending the elimination of all nuclear weapons and universal non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament. Our freedom of action with regard to our strategic programmes remains unrestricted. The nuclear agreement will not be allowed to be used as a backdoor method of introducing NPT type restrictions on India.” And yet, this Act totally negates the above assurance of the PM.

In view of the uncertain strategic situation around the globe, we are of the view that India must not directly or indirectly concede our right to conduct future nuclear weapon tests, if these are found necessary to strengthen our minimum deterrence.

In this regard, the Act makes it explicit that if India conducts such tests, the nuclear cooperation will be terminated and we will be required to return all equipment and materials we might have received under this deal.

To avoid any abrupt stoppage of nuclear fuel for reactors, which we may import, India and the U.S. had mutually agreed to certain alternative fuel supply options, which this Act has totally eliminated out of consideration. Thus, any future nuclear test will automatically result in a heavy economic loss to the country because of the inability to continue the operation of all such imported reactors.

Furthermore, the PM had assured the nation that “India is willing to join any non-discriminatory, multilaterally negotiated and internationally verifiable Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT), as and when it is concluded in the Conference on Disarmament.”

But, the Act requires the U.S. to “encourage India to identify and declare a date by which India would be willing to stop production of fissile material for nuclear weapons unilaterally or pursuant to a multilateral moratorium or treaty.”

In his Rajya Sabha address, the PM had said, “Our commitment towards non-discriminatory global nuclear disarmament remains unwavering, in line with the Rajiv Gandhi Action Plan. There is no dilution on this count.”

Unfortunately, the Act is totally silent on the U.S. working with India to move towards universal nuclear disarmament, but it eloquently covers all aspects of non-proliferation controls of U.S. priority, into which they want to draw India into committing.

 

In summary, it is obvious that the Hyde Act still retains many of the objectionable clauses in the earlier House and Senate bills on which the Prime Minister had clearly put forth his objections and clarified the Indian position in both Houses of Parliament.

Once this Act is signed into law, all further bilateral agreements with the U.S. will be required to be consistent with this law.

As such, the Government of India may convey these views formally to the U.S. Administration and they should be reflected in the 123 Agreement.

Signatories:
Dr. A.N.Prasad, former Director, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre
Dr. H.N. Sethna, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission
Dr. M.R. Srinivasan, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission
Dr. P.K. Iyengar, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission
Dr. Placid Rodriguez, former Director, Indira Gandhi Center for Atomic Research
Dr. A. Gopalakrishnan, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Regulatory Board
Dr. Y.S.R. Prasad, former Chairman & Managing Director, Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited

Fellow Indians, do not trust anyone, please read the documents for yourselves, for
if you do not act now, you are as much to blame, when our sovereignty is sold away.

AmericaIndiaHyde’s Act123 Agreementfearmongering

It is true that India now suffers and will in future face a huge energy gap.
But it is NOT TRUE that India does not have the resources
to meet our evergrowing energy requirement.

We not only have enough resources for solar and wind generated power stations,
we also have nuclear. We are the world’s third largest reserve of Thorium.

We have it in abundance in the coastal sands of Orissa and Kerala.
It is believed we have 290 000 tonnes of economically extractable Thorium.

Why Thorium?
Thorium is much more abundant in nature than uranium.
U-233 bred from thorium is the best of the 3 nuclear fuels, U-235, Pu-239, U-233
It is more eco friendly producing less of long-lived radioactive waste.
Thorium and its compounds are very stable. Its oxide melts around 3300°C.
This stability allows high burn-ups and high temperatures; less chances of accidents.

Why not Thorium:
Thorium needs a “match” to kickstart, that can only be U-235 or plutonium.
[It is an advantage as is an excellent way to use up the excess plutonium stocks]
Reprocessing is an integral part of a sustainable thorium fuel cycle.
Presence of hard gamma emitters makes the manufacture U-233 based fuels in remote gamma-shielded environment mandatory, a very expensive technique.

With our huge Thorium reserves, our scientists haven’t been just sitting around,
they have made utilisation of thorium for large-scale energy production our major goal.

THE THREE-STAGE INDIAN NUCLEAR POWER PROGRAMME

Quoted from Department of Atomic Energy, Government of India document:

“Shaping the Third Stage of Indian Nuclear Power Programme”

The importance of nuclear energy, as a sustainable energy resource for our country, was recognised at the very inception of our atomic energy programme more than four decades ago.

A three-stage nuclear power programme, based on a closed nuclear fuel cycle, was then chalked out.

The three stages are:
1. Natural uranium fuelled Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (PHWRs),
2. Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs) utilising plutonium based fuel, and,
3. Advanced nuclear power systems for utilisation of thorium.

For carrying out an efficient production of plutonium, the fissile material needed to fuel further growth in nuclear power capacity, a natural uranium fuelled heavy water moderated reactor is the best option.

In the First Stage: we started the indigenous development of nuclear power plants based on uranium cycle in PHWRs. At present we have twelve such reactors under operation, four are under construction, and several others have been planned. We have become self sufficient in all aspects of the PHWR technology. The capacity factors of our operating PHWRs have been close to eighty percent during recent years, an excellent performance even with respect to international standards.

As a part of the Second Stage, we started the FBR programme with the Fast Breeder Test Reactor (FBTR), at IGCAR, Kalpakkam. This reactor, operating with indigenously developed mixed (U+Pu) carbide fuel, has already yielded a large volume of operating experience and a better understanding of the technologies involved. This has enabled us to design 500 MWe (prototype) FBR that will utilise plutonium and the depleted uranium from our PHWRs. Construction of this reactor is due to begin soon.

In preparation for the Third Stage, development of technologies pertaining to utilisation of thorium have been a part of our ongoing activities. Considerable thorium irradiation experience has been acquired in research reactors and we have introduced thorium in PHWRs in a limited way. With our sustained efforts over the past many years, we already have small-scale experience over the entire thorium fuel cycle.

An example is the KAMINI reactor, in IGCAR, the only currently operating reactor in the world, which uses 233U as fuel. This fuel was bred, processed and fabricated indigenously. Efforts are currently on to enlarge that experience to a bigger scale. We are now designing and developing advanced nuclear systems, which will utilise our precious plutonium resources in an optimum way to maximise conversion of thorium to 233U, extract power in-situ from the thorium fuel, and recycle the bred 233U in future reactors.

In India, both Kakrapar-1 and -2 units are loaded with 500 kg of thorium fuel in order to improve their operation when newly-started. Kakrapar-1 was the first reactor in the world to use thorium, rather than depleted uranium, to achieve power flattening across the reactor core.

In 1995, Kakrapar-1 achieved about 300 days of full power operation and Kakrapar-2 about 100 days utilising thorium fuel. The use of thorium-based fuel is planned in Kaiga-1 and -2 and Rajasthan-3 and -4 (Rawatbhata) reactors.

A paper was submitted by Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) to the International Conference on Emerging Nuclear Energy Systems (ICENES) held June 9-14 in Istanbul this year.

The BARC scientist have claimed that once the world’s uranium runs out, thorium - and the depleted uranium discharged by today’s power reactors – could form the ‘fertile base’ for nuclear power generation. And they are in the process of developing a Fast Thorium Breeder Reactor (FTBR) at the BARC in Mumbai.

They believe their FTBR is a ‘candidate’ reactor that can produce energy from these two fertile materials with some help from fissile plutonium as a ‘seed’ to start the fire. By using a mix of ‘seed’ plutonium and fertile zones inside the core, the scientists show theoretically that their design can breed not one but two nuclear fuels - U-233 from thorium and plutonium from depleted uranium – within the same reactor. This totally new concept of fertile-to-fissile conversion has prompted them to call it the Fast ‘Twin’ Breeder Reactor.

Their calculations show the sodium-cooled FTBR, while consuming 10.96 tonnes of plutonium to generate 1,000 MW of power, breeds 11.44 tonnes of plutonium and 0.88 tonnes of U-233 in a cycle length of two years.

BARC’s FTBR is claimed to be the first design that truly exploits the concept of ‘breeding’ in a reactor that uses thorium. The handful of fast breeder reactors (FBRs) in the world today – including the one India is building in Kalpakkam near Chennai – use plutonium as fuel. These breeders have to wait until enough plutonium is accumulated through reprocessing of spent fuel discharged by thermal power reactors that run on uranium.

The BARC scientists say that thorium should be inducted into power reactors when the uranium is still available, rather than after it is exhausted. The FTBR only needs an initial inventory of plutonium to kick-start the thorium cycle and eventually to generate electricity.

A blanket ban on India re-processing imported uranium – a condition for nuclear cooperation with the US – could make India’s thorium programme a non-starter.

Former BARC director P.K. Iyengar has one suggestion that he says must be acceptable to the US if it is serious about helping India to solve its energy problem. ‘The US and Russia have piles of plutonium from dismantled nuclear weapons,’ Iyengar said, adding: ‘They should allow us to borrow this plutonium needed to start our breeders. We can return the material after we breed enough.’

The Hyde Act and the 123 Agreement
with its strict restriction on reprocessing the purchased fuel
binds us in a deal to be a purchaser of Uranium and its processing technology.
Instead of breaking free from the NSG cartel, we become chained to it for 40 years.

We have are own N-fuel, we do not need Uranium, we need enriched Plutonium.
To finish our three stage Nuclear Programme and be energy independant for ever.

This Indo-US nuclear deal will KILL off OUR 50 YEARS of reasearch and hard work.

It is not us who will suffer, we will be dead and gone, it will be our future generations.
It is now time for all us Indians to ask questions, and to find the truth for ourselves.

AmericaIndiaHyde’s Act123 AgreementThorium

United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act of 2006 the “Hyde Act”
Agreement for cooperation between United States and India, the “123 Agreement”

Anyone who questions these are frowned upon and aligned with the “communist left”.
And we are advised to learn the “realism” of international affairs.

But what do our nuclear scientists themselves think of the new deal, those who have
struggled against the sanctions since 1974 to bring us to where we stand today?

[digg=http://digg.com/political_opinion/bushwhacked_india_s_nuclear_scientists/blog]

Who else is better to set us the benchmark for India’s future
not only as a nuclear power but also in our vision
of Universal Nuclear Disarmament?

THIS IS the text of an appeal issued by nine leading nuclear scientists
just over an year ago on 15.08.2006. I have quoted it just as I have found it.

Appeal to parliamentarians on nuclear deal

Senior nuclear scientists urge MPs to ensure that decisions taken today do not inhibit India’s future ability to develop and pursue nuclear technologies for the benefit of the nation.

“While the nation and Parliament discuss the Indo-U.S. nuclear deal from various angles, we feel it is our responsibility to place before the nation our well-considered views on the impact of this deal on the future of Indian nuclear science and technology, and its effects on the energy security of the nation. We have all worked in the field of atomic energy from the very early years after India’s independence. From very small beginnings, we have now reached a stage where we are in possession of all the technologies needed for the production of electricity from indigenous nuclear minerals, and have successfully applied these technologies in diverse sectors from health, agriculture and industry to national and energy security. All this has been possible with the support of the people represented in the government through Parliament, and the outstanding statesmen who have guided and supported our plans.

We therefore feel it is our obligation to make public our perceptions for the effective and continued nurturing and utilisation of this technology in the country.

Science is universal. Knowledge can be created in any part of the world, and technology comes with experimentation and the willingness to take risks. We have followed all these paths to reach the present stage of development. We are amongst the most advanced countries in the technology of fast-breeder reactors, which is crucial to the future of our energy security. Along the way we have derived benefits from international collaboration. At the same time, we have also shared some of our abilities in this field with the world. Indian scientists have been ambassadors, with knowledge and creativity as their tools. It is of prime importance to uphold these cherished traditions.

It is significant that the most advanced country in nuclear science and technology has come forward to accept us into the international nuclear community, by the historic document signed by our Prime Minister with President Bush on 18th July, 2005. The basic principles for cooperation were well laid out in this bilateral understanding and the Prime Minister has apprised our Parliament of this. No doubt it needs the concurrence of the other nations comprising the Nuclear Suppliers Group, and of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Based on this agreement, the U.S. lawmakers and the administration are in the process of re-framing their laws, which could change the nature of relations between the two countries. This is a most welcome initiative of the UPA government, and is a continuation of the process essentially begun during the previous NDA government. Thus, there is no question of any political partisanship on this matter.

However, the lawmakers of the U.S. Congress have modified, both in letter and spirit, the implementation of such an agreement. At this juncture, among other aspects, it is essential that we insist on the following four central themes:

1. India should continue to be able to hold on to her nuclear option as a strategic requirement in the real world that we live in, and in the ever-changing complexity of the international political system. This means that we cannot accede to any restraint in perpetuity on our freedom of action. We have not done this for the last forty years after the Non-Proliferation Treaty came into being, and there is no reason why we should succumb to this now. Universal nuclear disarmament must be our ultimate aim, and until we see the light at the end of the tunnel on this important issue, we cannot accept any agreement in perpetuity.

KAMINI: the first reactor in the world, designed specifically to use uranium-233 (from Thorium) fuel.

2. After 1974, when the major powers discontinued cooperation with us, we have built up our capability in many sensitive technological areas, which need not and should not now be subjected to external control. Safeguards are understandable where external assistance for nuclear materials or technologies are involved. We have agreed to this before, and we can continue to agree to this in the future too, but strictly restricted to those facilities and materials imported from external sources.

3. We find that the Indo-U.S. deal, in the form approved by the U.S. House of Representatives, infringes on our independence for carrying out indigenous research and development (R&D) in nuclear science and technology. Our R&D should not be hampered by external supervision or control, or by the need to satisfy any international body. Research and technology development are the sovereign rights of any nation. This is especially true when they concern strategic national defence and energy self-sufficiency.

4. While the sequence of actions to implement the cooperation could be left for discussion between the two governments, the basic principles on which such actions will rest is the right of Parliament and the people to decide. The Prime Minister has already taken up with President Bush the issue of the new clauses recommended by the U.S. House of Representatives. If the U.S. Congress, in its wisdom, passes the bill in its present form, the `product’ will become unacceptable to India, and, diplomatically, it will be very difficult to change it later. Hence it is important for our Parliament to work out, and insist on, the ground rules for the nuclear deal, at this stage itself.

We therefore request you, the Parliamentarians, to discuss this deal and arrive at a unanimous decision, recognising the fundamental facts of India’s indigenous nuclear science and technology achievements to date, the efforts made to overcome the unfair restrictions placed on us and the imaginative policies and planning enunciated and followed in the years after Independence. The nation, at this critical juncture, depends on its representatives in Parliament to ensure that decisions taken today do not inhibit our future ability to develop and pursue nuclear technologies for the benefit of the nation“.

The statement issued on Monday has been signed by:

1. Dr. H.N. Sethna, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission;
2. Dr. M.R. Srinivasan, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission;
3. Dr. P.K. Iyengar, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Commission;
4. Dr. A. Gopalakrishnan, former Chairman, Atomic Energy Regulatory Board;
5. Dr. S.L. Kati, former Managing Director, Nuclear Power Corporation;
6. Dr. A.N. Prasad, former Director, Bhabha Atomic Research Centre;
7. Dr. Y.S.R. Prasad, former Chairman & Managing Director, Nuclear Power Corporation;
8. Dr. Placid Rodriguez, former Director, Indira Gandhi Centre for Atomic Research.

AmericaIndiaHyde’s Act123 Agreement

After 60 years of independance
and one border war with China (1962),
and after three wars (1947, 1965, 1971) with Pakistan
and two major incursion battles (Siachen 1984, Kargil 1991) later,

suddenly America is now India’s friend.

For America is bending rules to supply N-fuel to India.

Reading many articles and commenting on three blogs later,
Ambassador Ronnen Sen….
The Indo-US Nuclear Deal: criticism addressed
123 Nuclear Deal, the Left and yet another mess, I feel uneasy.

I accept, India needs “energy” and lots of it, to develop, but so does every nation.
I also accept Nuclear Energy is “green” leaving zero carbon footprints.

To decide if N-Energy is the best option for India’s future is for the experts.
But as citizens of a democratic country, we all have a say in how India proceeds.

India has two nuclear states as neighbours, with unresolved border issues and threats.
India, a sovereign state, has every right to defend her border in the best possible way.
Jawaharlal Nehru, is quoted to have said, in 1946,

As long as the world is constituted as it is, every country will have to devise and use the latest devices for its protection. I have no doubt India will develop her scientific researches and I hope Indian scientists will use the atomic force for constructive purposes. But if India is threatened, she will inevitably try to defend herself by all means at her disposal.

How can we have forgotten within forty years, that in the 1971 War,
Nixon sent military supplies to Pakistan through Jordan and Iran! in direct violation of the US Congress-imposed sanctions on Pakistan, and encouraged China to increase its arms supplies to Pakistan.

An aware America that stayed silent when China helped Pakistan to build N-weapons.

Without our own nuclear arsenal
I stay convinced the South Asian geography today would well have been very different.

I have so far learnt, this is the nuclear world order, as it stands today:

The Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)

was opened for signature in 1968, and has been in force since 1970.
A total of 190 parties have joined the Treaty so far, including the five nuclear-weapon States

Status: Entered into force on 5 March 1970. On 11 May 1995, it was decided that the Treaty should continue in force indefinitely.

It is a multilateral treaty with the objective to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons technology, to promote cooperation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and to try to achieve nuclear disarmament and general and complete disarmament.

The (NPT) granted non-nuclear-weapon states access to nuclear materials and technology for peaceful purposes as long as they committed not to develop nuclear weapons.

The Treaty also represents the ONLY binding commitment by the nuclear-weapon States at the multilateral level to the goal of nuclear disarmament.

To ensure the goal of non-proliferation and to build confidence between States parties, the Treaty created a safeguards system under the responsibility of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

The International Atomic Energy Agency.

was set up in 1957, the Agency works with its 144 Member States (03/2007) and multiple partners worldwide to promote safe, secure and peaceful nuclear technologies.
It is an independent international organization regulated by a special agreement by the UN. The IAEA reports annually to the UN General Assembly and, when appropriate, to the Security Council regarding all matters relating to international peace and security.

India has been a member since 1957.

The Nuclear Exporters Committee

Knowing that materials and technologies used in peaceful nuclear programs could also be used to develop weapons, several NPT tried to clarify in relation to the treaty under what conditions and what specific equipment and materials and could be shared with non-nuclear-weapon states.

They formed the Zangger Committee in 1971 to require states outside the NPT to institute IAEA safeguards before being allowed imports of certain items that could be directly used to pursue nuclear weapons. These items were collectively referred to as the “Trigger List.”

It was India’s explosion of a nuclear device in 1974, that reconfirmed the fact that nuclear materials and technologies acquired for peaceful purposes could be diverted to build weapons. In response to India’s action, several Zangger Committee members joined up with France to establish the NSG to further regulate nuclear-related exports.

The NSG added technologies for control to the original Zangger Committee’s “Trigger List.” This became Part I of the NSG Guidelines.

NSG members also agreed to apply their trade restrictions to all states, not just those outside the NPT.

The Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)

The 45 nations of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) that have voluntarily agreed to coordinate their export controls governing transfers of civilian nuclear material and nuclear-related equipment and technology to non-nuclear-weapon states.

Members can be any state that conducts exports appearing on the Guidelines may apply for NSG membership.

They are evaluated on their proliferation record, and adherence to international nonproliferation treaties and agreements, and national export controls.

There are several countries with nuclear programs outside the NSG, most notably India, Israel, Pakistan, and North Korea.

The Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)

was adopted on 10 September 1996 by the United Nations General Assembly and opened for signature on 24 September 1996.

Status: Not yet in force, it will enter into force after 44 States have ratified it.

This treaty would ban the signatory states
1. undertaking “any nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion, and to prohibit and prevent any such nuclear explosion at any place under its jurisdiction or control” 2. to “refrain from causing, encouraging, or in any way participating in the carrying out of any nuclear weapon test explosion or any other nuclear explosion”.

The US Atomic Energy Act of 1954

America’s export of nuclear material is governed by this US Federal law, of which the Section 123: Co-operation With Other Nations in its present form stops US from negotiating this trade deal with India.

The United States is now willing to provide India access to civilian nuclear technology through the United States-India Peaceful Atomic Energy Cooperation Act 2006.

This is despite India not being a signatory to either the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) or the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), this prohibits the sale of any form of nuclear material or know how to India by any country of the NSG.

So why should I welcome this new found friendship with open arms?

Is it ONLY in the name of improved trade
or continuous supply of cheap and or clean energy?
Surely that would be better served by signing upto the NPT. Trade with anyone.

If YES, then I ask are we still to continue our military nuclear programme?
And if YES are we promising never to divert even a ‘grain’ of material imported to it?

If NO, is America, a member of NPT, IAEA and NSG knowingly flounting all the rules.

My priorities can only lie in the best interests of
India
the present World order,
the earth and her environment, … but it should not be with America’s.

What is the motive? Where is the catch?
I ask why is America suddenly so friendly and generous? I still feel uneasy.

AmericaIndiaNuclear BombtradeNon N-proliferation

anthropomorphic
pron: AHD: ăn’thrə-pə-môr′fĭk
having the form of a man

ASIMO
an acronym for
“Advanced Step in Innovative MObility”

is a humanoid robot
created by Honda Motor Company.
height: 130 centimeters (4 feet 3 inches)
weight: 52 kilograms (119 lbs.),
resembling a small astronaut with a backpack
it can walk on two feet in a manner
resembling human locomotion
at a speed up to 6 km/h (3.7 mph).

A humanoid robot
is a robot whose appearance
is based on that of the human body.
They have a torso with a head,
two arms and two legs, and
may have a ‘face’, with ‘eyes’ and ‘mouth’.

Androids resemble a male human,
Gynoids are built to resemble a human female.
Actroid are humanoid robot with strong graphic human-likeness.

ASIMO is the current model
in a line of eleven that began in 1986 with E0.

Should we consider these as eleven separate ‘creations’
or is the robot ‘evolving’ into more ‘intelligent’ forms.

If us humans, organic beings,
still in our infancy of science and technology
can create an “inorganic being” which can perform desired tasks
in unstructured environments and without continuous human guidance.

Is it just possible,
that somewhere in this infinite universe,
13.7 billion (1.37 × 1010) years from the time of the Big Bang
there are some ‘forms’ organic or inorganic or unknown otherwise
that may have the capabilities to create with materials we know as organic?
What if we were also created to resemble the body forms of our creators,
just like our own humanoid and actroid creations?

Was Adam such a creation?
Was Eve genetically tweaked ‘clone‘ from cells taken from his rib.

Created from stardust, then are we too of alien origin?

Did our alien ancestors land and settled in Africa, and gradually spread?
Is that why mitochondrial population genetics, maps the early human migrations
originating from only one single continent?

roboticscreationismevolution human beingsalien ancestors

what ifs?

are the results of an idle mind drifting laterally
from and along the thoughts and beliefs of the norm, cannot be proved, cannot be disproved either – littleindian

After
years of planning
hmming and haaaing
sacrificing and saving…

they are up at last
smiling up at the sun
gleaming fresh and shining
happy to generate clean electricity.

It is said,
almost half of the UK’s carbon dioxide emissions come
from energy we use every day – at home and when we travel.
By saving energy we can all help prevent climate change.
[digg=http://digg.com/environment/green_with_pride/blog]
Solar PV (photovoltaic)
uses energy from the sun
to create electricity to run appliances and lighting.
PV cells requires only daylight, and not direct sunlight
and so can still generate some power even on a cloudy day.

PV systems produce no greenhouse gases,
each kWp of electricity generated can save
approximately 325kg of carbon dioxide emissions per year,
adding up to about 8 tonnes over a system’s functional lifetime.

These panels
now fully wired in
are adding power to the national grid.
Just a tiny step, to leave behind a slightly smaller carbon footprint.

Last time I looked at them panels,
I swear I saw them wink down at me.

technologyenvironmentsolar energyearthweather